The Propagande Game

During slavery the slaves were told to believe that the omniscient and merciful God sanctioned their enslavement and those obeying his words would somehow be rewarded. Incredibly many slaves were sold on the insane idea and abandoned their earthly fate to the infallible judgment of the Creator with an unsurpassed zeal that created a barrier to their emancipation. As a result, it was not unusual for these gullible salves to question the wisdom of their fellow slaves that wanted to free themselves from a system they considered abhorrent, inhuman and evil. Unfortunately for the supporting cast of the system: owners, traders, overseers and gullible slaves, the revolts of Maroons of Jamaica and the indomitable revolutionaries of Saint Domingue, presently Haiti, plus the actions of many enlightened whites brought an end to the absurdity.
Incredibly, 122 years after Brazil became the last country in the Americas to abolish slavery (1888), a reincarnated breed of these gullible slaves, (the intellectual and educated Haitians), is following in the footsteps of their ancestors by wholeheartedly embracing economic liberalism, the main tenet of neo-colonialism. The analogy between slavery and economic liberalism may seem inappropriate, if not illogical, to disbelievers, but their underlying principle is too uncanny to ignore. Both systems evolved from the notion of white supremacy, economic exploitation, domination and militarism, hence those pretending not to see or unwilling accept the similarities must, like their gullible ancestors, be supplanted or shunned aside.
Indeed, it is inconceivable that the intellectuals and educated Haitians are casting themselves as ardent defenders of a system that robs their fellow uneducated countrymen of their dignity and condemns millions to abject poverty and misery. In fact these two groups easily surpass their gullible ancestors in their zeal, as they are consumed with hatred against their impoverished brothers in contrast with the old ignorant slaves that only prayed for the well-being of their masters whom God had conveniently chosen to oversee slavery. Relegated to the antechamber of power since the putsch of February 29, 2004, the intellectuals and educated Haitians have since then been trampling over each other to establish their anti-proletarian credentials. In that regard, they vilify and ostracize any Haitian who dares speak against the current state of affairs, and see themselves as a rampart against the dangerous hordes of uncivilized Haitians that came perilously close to destroying “their beloved Haiti” during the truncated presidencies of Jean Bertrand Aristide. Not surprisingly, these two groups consider the unwarranted occupation of Haiti (2004-?) “A benevolent act of mercy” that needs to be rewarded with unquestioned collaboration with the occupiers, since no less than the future of this civilization is at stake.
Most importantly, the virulence to which these two groups responded to Wyclef Jean’s presidential bid was a testament of their elitist and decidedly anti-proletarian attitude that essentially underscored their naiveté. Accordingly they saw Jean’s failed presidential bid as an abomination and an insult to the nation that has its genesis in what they arrogantly believe was the accidental ascension to Haiti’s presidency of the “little priest”, a derogatory term commonly use to depict Jean Bertrand Aristide. Obviously, the putsches of September 30, 1991 and February 29, 2004 were never about Aristide, whom these two groups consider an incorrigible iconoclast, but a well coordinated and unrelenting assault on the aspirations of the Haitian people.
Frederick Douglas correctly wrote in his autobiography “To make a man a slave was to rob him of moral responsibility.” Freedom of choice is the essence of all accountability.” Because the system in place in Haiti is no less inhuman than slavery, it absolves the so-called uncivilized masses, which the country’s educated and intellectuals and the international community consider this civilization’s mortal enemy, of any moral responsibilities. Twice the masses voted for a political leader they saw as their best hope; twice their choice was overturned by the military coup of September of 1991 and the foreign invasion of February 29, 2004, during which thousands of defenseless poor Haitians were systematically hunted down, arbitrarily imprisoned or summarily killed.
It is obvious these groups subscribe to the notion that slavery was a necessary course of action for civilizing uncivilized Africans and neo-colonialism an advanced enlightenment model for their descendants. Perhaps this explains the zero opposition to the occupation by any of the presidential candidates in the upcoming elections whilst combating populism and subduing the masses remain at the forefront of the international effort.
Once again Frederick Douglas was right when he said “ The guilt of the slave was always and everywhere presumed, and the innocence of the slaveholder, or employer, was always asserted.” As the quote relates to Haiti’s situation it is fair to conclude that the guilt of the Haitian masses (the oppressed) is automatically presumed, while the innocence of the Haitian elite and the international community (the oppressors) is always affirmed. Hence, stability (code word for maintaining the status quos) takes precedence over any legitimate aspirations the Haitian people might have had. Historians will agree that the educated and pseudo-intellectual Haitians, by embracing the fallacious notion of altruism put forward by the international community as a justification for the occupation, served as the pillars upon which the subjugation of Haiti stood. For Haiti to survive, we owe it to our ancestors to reclaim the torch of freedom and human dignity that has been callously tossed aside and sullied by these gullible and impenitent collaborators.

Leave the Constitution Alone

Was Haiti’s Provisional Electoral Council (CEP in French) legally correct in disqualifying Wyclef Jean as a presidential candidate? The answer is an absolute yes, since the internationally-acclaimed singer does not meet the requirements of Article 135 paragraphs (d) and (e) of the Constitution. He does not have his habitual residence in the country and has not lived there for 5 consecutive years. However it cannot be said that the CEP acted impartially on the issue of qualification as it relates to other presidential contenders. Article 135 of Constitution paragraph (f) unequivocally states that to be elected president of the Republic of Haiti a candidate must “Have been relieved of this responsibilities (sic) if he has been handling public funds. Jude Célestin, the ruling party’s candidate, should also have been disqualified since he did not have the required clearance of the Superior Court of auditors and Administrative Disputes prior to filing his candidacy papers.
It is absurd for anyone to think that the Constitution means anything to the current regime and, by extension, the international community. Since February 29, 2004, the Haitian Constitution has lost its relevancy, otherwise Gérard Latortue could not have been prime minister when he was parachuted from out of nowhere to lead the country in the aftermath of Aristide’s departure. Latortue’s appointment clearly violated paragraphs 4 & 5 of Article 157 which require a potential prime minister to have his habitual residence in the country and live there for 5 consecutive years. Yet no one came to the defense of the Constitution which many now think should form the basis for law and order in Haiti. It is all the more disingenuous that the requirements that cause the CEP to disqualify Wyclef Jean were not applicable to Gérard Latortue whose disdain for the country and its people became evident when he fled his post in May of 2006 without providing to the newly elected Parliament a detailed account of his rule.
Gérard Latortue is remembered as the politician who famously declared Haiti’s demand for repayment of the Independence debt from France “absurd and illegal” and handed jurisdictional control over the Haitian National Police to the MINUSTAH. His tenure as prime minister incidentally provides the best argument against the Diaspora’s desire to help or rule over the impoverished country for years to come. With or without Wyclef Jean’s candidacy, the upcoming election will be a sad day for Haiti and its people as none of the presidential contenders possesses the stature or political dexterity to soften the blows being inflicted on the beleaguered country by the occupiers.
Haiti is presently a country whose future is being decided in dark rooms of international financial institutions acting upon the recommendations of so-called experts whose studies are financed and tailored to fit the preconceived views of the international community. Since history would not be interesting without retrospections, it is fair to conclude that Lesly F. Manigat, who is not running this year because of advanced age, could have been the man of the hour. As the 2008 U.S presidential election has proven: Hillary Clinton was certainly not Bill Clinton and Myrlande Manigat, despite her vaunted intellect and political skills, is definitely not her husband.
Now the second phase of Wyclef Jean’s dead-on-arrival quest for the presidency is the one most fraught with uncertainties because the best laid plan sometimes ran into conflict with reality. Will the euphoria over Wyclef’s candidacy translate into actual participation of a majority of the electorate that was predisposed to heed a possible call to boycott the elections by the excluded Lavalas Party? Because the man is a pawn in a geopolitical game that is beyond his talented artistic mind, he is likely to follow the script by throwing his support behind one of the chosen candidates although he is appealing the decision. Whatever numbers he entices to cross over will be considered a success by the architects of the devilish plan to institutionalize the status quos and delay the Haitian people’s eternal quest for social and economic justice. Most importantly, it will be one more nail in the coffin of the Lavalas movement and Aristide whose grip on a portion of the electorate does not seem to diminish with his forced exile in faraway South Africa.
By now it should be obvious to the international community that the Haitian people’s struggle against economic injustice and social exclusion will continue with or without Aristide and its failure to address these issues will eventually radicalize the population. Last week, in an article written for Reuters, Joseph Guyler Delva quoting some policy analysts wrote: “Despite widespread popular distrust and resentment of powerful political and business elites in Haiti, the local and international security forces were among factors weighing against political bloodletting or any organized attempts to disrupt the November elections.” That may be true to a certain extent, but the analysts are apparently oblivious of the lessons of history and would be unable to explain how a political system that is not supported by the majority can conceivably last and prosper.
As Friday’s decision relates to the sanctity of the Haitian Constitution, the CEP erred in picking and choosing which Articles or paragraphs are applicable to the politic du jour. Moreover, as this drama plays out, one might ask whether the whole exercise is warranted, since under the occupation whoever is elected will be at the mercy of the occupiers. The Constitution is therefore not worth the paper it is written on.

HAITIAN POLITICIANS CRACK JOKES, AS HAITI SUFFERS

The race to succeed René Préval officially began on August 7th when a host of contenders which includes two entertainers, Wyclef Jean and Michel Martelly, and two former prime ministers, Jacques Edouard Alexis and Yvon Neptune, formally deposed their candidacy papers before the Provisional Electoral Council. The class of 2004 that facilitated the United Nations occupation of Haiti was noticeably absent, with the exception of Charles Henry Baker, an indication that its contribution to the perfidious endeavor was either unappreciated by the international community or nullified by the Haitian elite which turned out to be the real beneficiary.
Touted as an essential component to the phantom project of stabilization of Haiti (2004-?) conceived and promoted by the international community, the fall vote is likely to bring ridicule to the country and solidify the iron grip of the occupiers. No less than the party of the incumbent president, (INITE) Creole for Unity, started the drama. Days after nominating former Prime Minister Jacques Edouard Alexis, who lost his job as a result of the April 2008 food riots, the party reversed itself on the day of the filing deadline by choosing Jude Célestin, the General Director of the National Center for Equipment (CNE), the state agency responsible for construction. Conveniently enough, another party came to the rejected former prime minister’s rescue by nominating him as its standard bearer. This is presidential politics in Haiti, where core principles and patriotism take a back seat to a perverted sense of entitlement and political parties with ready-to-fill-slots are available to the highest bidder.
How the CEP deals with Jude Célestin whose current job of General Director of the state agency CNE puts him squarely in contravention with Article 135 (f) of the 1987 Constitution is crucial to the integrity of the elections. Article 135 (f) requires of anyone wanting to become president of the Republic to “have been relieved of these responsibilities, if he had been handling public funds.” As far as we know, Mr. Célestin was still in charge of the state agency (CNE) on the day he officially became a candidate and hadn’t been cleared by the Superior Court of auditors and Administrative Disputes. A factual interpretation of the 1987 Constitution disqualifies Mr. Célestin as a presidential candidate, since he lacked the clearance of the Superior Court of auditors and Administrative Disputes prior to filing his candidacy, even if a post-filing clearance were to be issued. Acceptance of Mr. Célestin’s candidacy by the CEP will constitute a flagrant violation of the Constitution and highlight the misplaced arrogance of René G. Préval who seems to think that he is answerable to no one, let alone a moribund Constitution.
When Rome was burning (64 A.D) and Nero was playing his lyre, many Romans did enjoy his ballads, I suppose. On the other hand, Haiti is suffering while its politicians are cracking jokes that are not funny at all, as no less than the continued existence of the country as a sovereign entity is at stake during this difficult period. Incredibly Haitian politicians remain oblivious to the reality that Haiti, a country founded under the noble purpose of resistance against injustice and foreign domination, may never recover its right to be sovereign earned at a cost of more than 100.000 lives (1791-1803).
The expropriation of the government’s constitutional powers by the Interim Haiti Reconstruction Commission and a statement by James Dobbins, a former U.S. special envoy to Haiti and director of the RAND International Security and Defense Policy Center are the clearest indication to date. Referring to the Préval’s government’s pathetic response to the January 12 disaster; Haiti’s history of bad governance and the international community’s self-promoting effort to stabilize the country, Dobbins said “Just to further underline what a low base we're starting at, the current government we have is one of the best we've had in 200-plus years.” Apparently, the land of Dessalines belongs to the international community, otherwise Mr. Dobbins would have taken care of omitting the word “we” when speaking about Haiti, a supposedly sovereign entity and member of the U.N.
As Frederick Douglas said in his autobiography “ To enslave men successfully and safely, it is necessary to keep their minds occupied with thoughts and aspirations short of the liberty of which they are deprived.” Well, Haiti’s future is no longer about correcting social and economic injustice, which became the credo of the social movement that spanned the mid-1980’s through 2004, but combating insecurity and lawlessness as decreed by the occupiers. Not surprisingly, the idea is wholeheartedly embraced by many educated Haitians who willfully become zealous gatekeepers of the devious designs of the occupiers. Consequently, any Haitian who dares speak against economic and social injustice is automatically branded a Lavalas or Aristide supporter, a terrorist, a loser or simply disappears from the face of the earth.
Haiti is at a crossroads and many of its best and brightest are behaving like house slaves that refuse to see the larger picture in which their fate is woven with those of the so-called uncivilized and barbaric masses. The upcoming elections should be the catalyst for a renewal of our sense of nationhood and duty but, unfortunately, the multitude of candidates (34) indicates that this dream will have to wait. As inheritors of the mantle of liberty proudly wore by the likes of Toussaint, Dessalines and Christophe, our struggle to overcome social and economic oppression will see the light in the near future.

IS Wyclef Jean Being Manipulated?

The rumor came out of nowhere but was promptly dismissed by political observers because it sounded so bizarre. Although Wyclef Jean had written a song “If, I were president”, this was by no means a clear indication of his affinity for politics, let alone presidential aspiration. Then Raymond Joseph, Wyclef Jean’s distant cousin and Haiti’s ambassador to Washington for the last 6 years, resigned the post, prompting speculations of a run of his own or playing a role of political mentor to his famous cousin. In an interview with the New York Times on Wednesday August 4th, Jean said “I'm not running for president so much as I'm being drafted" by the youth of Haiti.” "The decision is made," he told the Wall Street Journal.
On Thursday August 5th Wyclef Jean, internationally-renowned Haitian singer and political neophyte, flew to Haiti and formally announced that he was in fact running for president of his country: the most complex political entity in the entire world. When the smoke clears, Jean may regret having embarked in this treacherous adventure which will certainly change his life forever. He is no longer the apolitical and unabashed patriot or the compassionate idealist wishing the best for his impoverished fellow Haitians, but a politician like the others, possessing all the negative stereotypes attached with the label. Moreover, he would have to overcome the electorate’s entrenched prejudices against uneducated people, a paradox by any measures that shows the complexity of Haitian politics, and its animosity toward the arrogant and patronizing Diaspora.
Now the Préval-dominated, fraud-plagued and corrupt CEP (French acronym for Provisional Electoral Council) will have to decide on Wyclef’s eligibility, which will be at the forefront of his candidacy. Will the CEP adhere to the strict interpretation of the Constitution or yield to the interests of the obscure forces by letting Mr. Jean get a pass in the matter of eligibility? Wyclef’s appointment as a roving ambassador by René Préval in 2007 theoretically exempts him from the residency requirement but only covers 3 years. Whatever the outcome, the flaws of the 1987 Constitution in regard to eligibility have become apparent with his candidacy. Does an expatriate, who fails to contribute to the treasury by way of paying taxes, qualify to run for the highest office of the land? This is an issue that needs to be addressed, since contributing to the treasury remains the premier obligation of all citizens toward the state.
Without a doubt, the chance of Wyclef getting elected to the Haitian presidency is next to zero; however, his participation as a candidate lends credibility to the election, which was poised to be boycotted by Lavalas and other political sectors. The CEP, which arbitrarily banned Haiti’s largest political party from participating in the incoming vote, now finds itself between a rock and a hard place. Assuming it rules in Wyclef’s favor; its credibility as the guardian of electoral laws will certainly take a nose dive and negate the notion of its supposed impartiality. On the other hand, a rejection of Wyclef’s candidacy may cause a backlash not only from euphoric Haitian youths dissatisfied with the ruling, but also the international community which is counting on a high voter turnout that puts to rest the notion of Lavalas or Aristide, for that matter, as a potent force in Haitian politics.
Without a doubt, Wyclef loves his country; being a self-made man makes him more qualified than most professional politicians whose claim to the office has more to do with personal ambitions and sublime arrogance rather than track records. However, he is being manipulated into something beyond his musical talent. This is not the return of the prodigal son. In normal circumstances Wyclef’s candidacy would be perceived as a joke, but at this juncture it is a lifeline to the international community’s bizarre and, so far, unsuccessful attempt at fostering stability in Haiti. Goaded by obscure forces with an interest in seeing what would be a fraudulent election validated through sizable voter participation, Wyclef is a pawn in a game of deceit. The loser could only be the Haitian people whose future is currently in the hands of entities that have a vested interest in perpetuating the politic of exclusion.
What is Wyclef’s political orientation? His song “ If, I were president” no doubt speaks the mind of a populist, but a fellow celebrity, academy award winner Sean Penn, who is doing a terrific job in Haiti helping the poor, thinks otherwise. "This is somebody who's going to receive an enormous amount of support from the United States, and I have to say I'm very suspicious of it, simply because he, as an ambassador at large, has been virtually silent. For those of us in Haiti, he has been a non-presence," said Penn. Indeed, there is good reason to be suspicious of Wyclef’s motives, regardless of the lyrics of his songs and philanthropic works, as he is too closely associated with the administrators of the occupation.
At this juncture, we need a leader of stature who not only understands Haiti’s limited room for maneuver in its dealing with the occupiers but also willing to stand up to unreasonable demands without endangering their commitment to the reconstruction. Few of the current crops of declared presidential candidates fit the criteria and Wyclef Jean, a political neophyte with absolutely no understanding of the international power structure, is certainly not among them. We are down and beaten, but not desperate.

Préval Is At It Again

In a July 24 interview on Radyo Kiskeya, Mr. Camille Leblanc, former Justice Minister during René Préval’s first term (1996-2001), reported that the Haitian president presented a Putin-style scenario at a meeting with members of Haiti’s economic elite that was bizarre and entertaining. The scenario was in reference to former Russian president Vladimir Putin who, in 2008, handpicked his successor, Dmitry Medveded, and stayed on as Prime Minister of the Russian Federation, as he was constitutionally barred from serving a third consecutive term. It is hard to understand the rationale behind Préval’s purported move because both cases bear no similarities whatsoever.
Putin was widely popular at the end of his term and his countrymen enjoyed a level of prosperity unparalleled in the history of Russia, while Préval was the most reviled man in Haiti even before his pathetic handling of the January 12 disaster. Putin restored pride in his people after the demise of the Soviet Union (1991) and the trying years of Boris Yeltsin (1991-99), while Préval is presiding over a wretched and divided nation that needs to be rebuilt form scratch but remains at the mercy of duplicitous foreign donors and a decidedly anti-Haitian economic elite. Putin personifies the notion of leadership, while Préval, if one shares the conclusion of a report by the U.S Senate Foreign Relations Committee, “possesses a marginal capacity to lead his country’s reconstruction” a scathing indictment that negates his megalomaniacal dream. With this nonsense, however, Préval’s political immortality is guaranteed; his tombstone should read “ Ici repose l’indispensable (Here lays the indispensable).”
Assuming Mr. Leblanc’s mind-boggling revelation is correct, Préval apparently suffers from an undiagnosed mental disorder, likely caused by his excessive consumption of booze that prevents him from dealing with reality, which may explain his indifference and sometimes sarcastic responses to the plight of his countrymen. Nonetheless, in light of the fact there are no dumb ideas in politics but proposals that have yet to catch fire, Mr. Leblanc’s somewhat incredulous revelation should not be dismissed as untrustworthy words of a Haitian politician. In fact, the scheme may have been conceived by the group that benefits the most from Préval’s incompetence, i.e., the economic elite, as the Haitian president, despite his Machiavellian streak, is intellectually incapable of formulating such grand and convoluted idea.
Préval’s plan includes barring potential populist candidates from participating in the fall elections with the help of the Provisional Electoral Council; legitimizing the fraud by encouraging certain internationally-supported politicians to take part in the elections as a means to neutralize a probable boycott by the opposition/Lavalas, and having a prospective Parliament dominated by his supporters to enact the appropriate legislation. There is one caveat: Washington which insists that the CEP, French acronym for the Provisional Electoral Council, be reformed prior to the elections, will not support such harebrained scheme for the simple reason that Préval is a damaged good and now a destabilizing factor. It may be an intended snub at Washington or the man simply lost his marbles and is actually at the mercy of the elite and his ambitious wife.
Like the exportation of Jim Crow to Haiti (1915-34), politics in the impoverished country is an extension of U.S domestic politics, something that Préval could never fully understand. Préval’s calling of Republican Sen. Richard Lugar’s suggestion that reforms need to be implemented before the disbursement of the promised aid can take place “inadmissible” puts Haiti’s reconstruction right in the middle of U.S politics, a bad omen particularly in an election year. Arguably the man remains oblivious to the reality that political jockeying trumps compassion and that his stance may cost the country dearly. His steadfast refusal to combat corruption and revamp the CEP can only encourage the suffocating presence of the NGOs and delay the aspiration of the Haitian people to see Haiti recovering its sovereignty.
Like the 2004 bunch (Convergence) that was fooled by the elite’s machinations, Préval, unable to read the true motive behind the elite’s support, fancies himself to be irreplaceable, a pattern consistent among Haitian leaders. With less than a year remaining in his term (he is constitutionally required to step down on February 2011), Préval is only useful to the elite as long as he enjoys the support of the international community or could deliver a replica of himself in the fall elections. His public declaration denouncing one of the most powerful members of the U.S Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Richard Lugar, was a monumental blunder and a departure from the norm. Considering that past Haitian leaders invariably used passive resistance to convey their displeasure with Washington rather than public utterances, Préval’s statement certainly dooms any chances his plan of becoming prime minister after his presidency might have had.
As the August 7th registration deadline nears, will the CEP reconsider its decision to ban the Fanmi Lavalas Party from participating in the November vote which has, in the absence of social and economic progress in the last 6 years, become an indispensable phase towards rebuilding Haiti and its political institutions? Or, more to the point, will the international community, the effective ruler of the country and guarantor of the vote, condone the politic of exclusion that is one of the major aspects of Haiti’s instability? As long as the international community persists in equating the legitimate aspiration of the majority with that of Aristide, the Haitian people should expect more of the same.